Senator John McCain’s Straight Party Ticket
Questioning the Official 9/11 Story
Arizona’s Presidential Caucus Race?
McCain Planting Seeds for Presidential Primary
Pederson’s Plan for Immigration Reform
I didn’t much care for Jim Pederson’s inaugural commercials, and, unfortunately, those will be likely be most Arizonan’s impression of Pederson’s immigration policies for some time to come. Fortunately, Jim has a surprising deep backfield to draw from in coming months on this issue.
He’s put forward a fairly detailed, reasonably bi-partisan, and realistic policy document on immigration. However, it was locked up in a PDF download on his site, so I decided to drag it out into the world of plain text HTML for all and sudry to peruse. Below the fold is the full Pederson immigration plan.
The plan also includes some tasty Kyl opposition research that you should look for Jim to be using as the race heats up.
I’m not inclined to be critical of Pederson’s proposal, because anything Pederson would tolerate in terms of a negotiated settlement of the issue will be worlds better than what Kyl would try to shove down our throats. Pederson’s plan doesn’t exactly stir my Progressive soul, but neither is it stupid, heinous, or plainly irrational as is nearly everything issuing from the Kyl camp these days.
My only suggestion to the cautious and dogged Pederson campaign would be to consider Latino turn-out and participation in this election and make the terms of permanent resident status or path to earned citizenship more explicit; at least in targeted Spanish language media.
Here’s the Pederson Plan…
Moms Rising
Why George W. Bush and the GOP are Tyrants
Tyranny is not a new phenomenon in the human experience; in fact, it is
unfortunately the default condition of human beings to live under
tyranny. Those who claim that freedom is the birthright of every human,
know nothing of human history. Because tyranny is so pervasive it is
also well-studied and well-understood both as a political dynamic and
in it’s psychological effects upon the ruled and on the ruler. Yet our
current political culture seems oddly reticent to label tyrannical
behavior properly considering that our political system was born as a
reaction to tyranny. The very structure of our government is an attempt
to combat tyranny, and historically political opponents had no
hesitation in denouncing the least whiff of tyrannical behavior by any
holder of public trust.
Let us not tolerate tyranny in our society under comforting pseudonyms, or allow it to flourish on cowardly and sly justifications. Let us call a tyrant a tyrant. George W. Bush and significant portions of the GOP leadership, as well as its rank and file, are acting in a tyrannical fashion. Only by opposing that behavior and calling it by its proper name can we stop such behavior.
Paul Woodruff, the Professor of Ethics and American Society at the University of Texas at Austin, provides a symptomology of tyranny in his book “First Democracy: The Challenge of an Ancient Idea”. Dr. Woodruff identifies the key features of that disease to which democracy is subject that the Greek originators of democracy most feared: tyranny.
Most people immediately think of a single person when they think of tyranny, but the majority in a democracy can also be tyrannical. Tyranny comes in degrees, and even a little tyrannical behavior can have far-reaching and terrible consequences. Here are the ways one recognizes a tyrant:
The 2008 GOP Presidential Primary Contenders
One question perennially on Democratic minds is "who will the GOP’s 2008 nominee be?" It is a question that is far too often over-thought, leaving little certainty, and more questions than anwers. Since I am seldom prone to the disease of self-doubt, I will attempt to unequivocally answer this question.
Allow me to set the Board.
The GOP nominee will be determined by certain key power-brokers as much as by the primary voters. Access to key endorsements, media opportunities, fundraising, and key grassroots constituencies will determine the front-runners long before the first primary ballot is cast or the first caucus is convened.
The most obvious, and traditionally one of the most powerful power brokers in succession following a second term is the out-going President. In this cycle, the President’s power to annoint a successor may be deminished. Bush’s power will be at it’s lowest ebb if he is forced to resign or is impeached. He many have little or no influence in that case, but may attempt to secure a chosen succession via a new Vice-President. He may even be afforded such an opportunity if Cheney resigns for health reasons following the 2006 elections, as has been rumoured. Such a sucession plan would give the President much greater freedom in his choices, as the choice would only have to be confimed by the Senate, instead of almost immediately having to gain the approval of primary voters.
I don’t claim sufficient understanding of Bush’s psyche to predict what he might do if faced with such an opportunity. A few possible VP choices would be Condoleeza Rice, JEB Bush, Senator John McCain, Senator George Allen, heck, he might even nominate his wife. Who the hell knows what this guy might do in those circumstances; or what the Senate would let him get away with. I think it likely he would try to stay within his inner circle, so JEB and Condi seem the most Bush-like choices.
I don’t think that this sucession scenario is likely, however. More likely is that the President will just quietly let it be known through proxies who his favorite son is in the pre-primary season. His voice will carry much less weight with key constitutencies than would normally be the case, especially if his approval numbers continue to plummet among Republicans. The favorite son would then have to do extra duty to win the allegience, support, and endorsement of key constituencies than he would otherwise.
I am of the opinion that Bush has already signalled his choice of a successor in the famous 2004 hug of John McCain. McCain has a commanding position with most moderate and non-fundamentalist Republican constituents. McCain’s weakest area of support is among fundamentalists, whom he courting even now. As the Republican with the strongest national base outside of Bush’s own circle (Rice polls well despite the lack of an real electoral base that has even voted for her), it is my opinion that McCain has the money, the party support, the credibility, and inevitability that a candidate needs to become the nominee. As soon as Bush starts making those quiet noises in late 2007 about McCain, the party will be over.