When America had a real president address the nation on civil rights


Above Photo: Lights turned out at the White House on May 31, 2020, a perfect symbol for the situation in America today: nobody’s home. A total failure of leadership.

Over the weekend it was reported that A serious divide exists among Trump advisers over how to address nights of protests and riots in US after Floyd’s death:

Trump is being urged by some advisers to formally address the nation and call for calm, while others have said he should condemn the rioting and looting more forcefully or risk losing middle-of-the-road his base voters in November, according to several sources familiar with the deliberations.

On Sunday, a Fox News host called for Trump to address the nation.

“I really believe it is time for President Trump to do an Oval Office address,” Griff Jenkins said on Fox and Friends.

National security adviser Robert O’Brien on Sunday left open the possibility of an Oval Office address, but did not rule out the other options under consideration for the President.

Those arguments have fallen on deaf ears. Trump dismissing advice to tone down rhetoric, address the nation:

President Donald Trump has dismissed advice from allies urging him to tone down his rhetoric and held back so far on making a formal address to the nation as cities across the country faced another night of protest over the death of George Floyd.

As the roar of police helicopters and chanting crowds reverberated through the White House grounds for a third night, Trump again opted against making prime-time remarks from the Oval Office, as other presidents have done in times of domestic crisis.

Instead, he spent the day on Twitter, doubling down on a strategy of calling for stronger police tactics, a move critics say is only worsening the situation.

Jared Kushner, Trump’s senior adviser and son-in-law, is not in favor of a high-profile presidential speech at this time, according to a person close to the White House.

Some Trump allies agree. “It doesn’t matter how brilliant an Oval Office address President Trump gives, that isn’t going to make a difference to people financially, and the real issue is the economy,” said Jason Miller, a former campaign communications adviser.

A formal address would only set Trump up for failure, Miller argued. “It’s so easy to say he didn’t strike the perfect chord, or left out this detail,” he said. “There are only various levels of failure that could result.”

On this we can agree: Donald Trump is intellectually, morally, emotionally, and empathetically incapable of delivering an address to the nation on institutional racism in American policing and our criminal justice system. A sociopath malignant narcissist cannot comprehend nor sympathize with the pain and anger felt by protestors against systemic police abuse and racism.

I am reminded of a time when we had a real president in the White House at a time of racial strife in this country equally if not more fraught than it is today. State sanctioned segregation, American Apartheid, was still the law of the land at the time, and brutally enforced by police officers and the courts.

President John F. Kennedy gave a televised address to the nation on June 11, 1963 in response to the threats of violence and obstruction on the University of Alabama campus by Alabama Governor George Wallace following desegregation attempts. It was the speech in which President Kennedy outlined what would become the Civil Rights Act of 1964, enacted a year later after his assassination in Dallas, Texas.

This is the kind of national address Americans needs to hear from a real president today, but we have no hope of hearing from the white nationalist racist-in-chief who spends all of his “executive time” hiding in the bunker rage tweeting incendiary comments designed to incite more violence and racial divisions.

Transcript of Address:

Good evening my fellow citizens:

This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro.

That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.

I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.

Today we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Viet-Nam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It ought to be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops.

It ought to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it ought to be possible for American citizens of any color to register to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal.

It ought to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.

The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the Nation in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.

This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right.

We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.

The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?

One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.

We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?

Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them.

The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.

We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and as a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives.

It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this is a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the fact that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all.

Those who do nothing are inviting shame as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right as well as reality.

Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The executive branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing.

But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is in the street.

I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public–hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments.

This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.

I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last 2 weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.

I am also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.

Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court’s decision 9 years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.

The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.

Other features will also be requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country.

In this respect I want to pay tribute to those citizens North and South who have been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of a sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency.

Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom’s challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.

My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all–in every city of the North as well as the South. Today there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate in education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.

This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents.

We cannot say to 10 percent of the population that you can’t have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go into the streets and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.

Therefore, I am asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.

As I have said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or an equal motivation, but they should have an equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.

We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.

This is what we are talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.

Thank you very much.


  1. The racist-in-chief told the nation’s governors in a video teleconference on Monday to aggressively target violent protesters he said would only respond to a show of force. He cannot – or will not – distinguish between the peaceful protestors exercising their constitutional rights, and the outside agitators or opportunists who are engaging in looting and violence. Trump simply lumps them all together. “An agitated Trump encourages governors to use aggressive tactics on protesters”, https://www.cnn.com/2020/06/01/politics/donald-trump-race-police/index.html

    “You have to dominate or you’ll look like a bunch of jerks, you have to arrest and try people,” the President told the governors in a call from the basement White House Situation Room, according to an audio recording of the call obtained by CNN.

    In the conversation, Trump appeared angry and made no attempt at striking a unifying or introspective tone, as some of his advisers have been encouraging and which previous presidents have attempted during moments of national crisis.

    Instead, Trump said the leaders must seek “retribution” for violent acts in their states and advised them not to act too gingerly.

    “You don’t have to be too careful,” he said.

    He chastised what he characterized as a weak response to protests in certain places, which he said allowed violence to take hold. He emphasized his belief the violence is being fomented by forces from the “radical left,” without evidence. And he said he was putting Gen. Mark Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, “in charge” of the protest response.

    Trump suggested to governors it was their responsibility, not his, to tamp down harshly on the continued unrest.

    “It’s a movement, if you don’t put it down it will get worse and worse,” Trump said. “The only time its successful is when you’re weak and most of you are weak.”

    Trump was reverting to a hardline “law and order” mantle he believes is the best way to confront growing racial unrest across the nation.

  2. I’m having visions of Nixon/Agnew law and order rhetoric. And maybe the “discipline” rhetoric of the Marcos era, or the didn’t
    happen, Tiananmen Square, which means troops and martial law, and to hell with human rights.

  3. I feel so safe with that tough talking tower of courage, President Yellowbelly, at the helm. Even if he was/is cowering in the White House bunker.

    Not going to post the Sir Robin (Sir Donald?) video, it would be redundant.

Comments are closed.